November 7, 2011 2:04 am
By Neil Patel
In The End of History and the Last
Man, written immediately after the Soviet Union’s collapse, Francis
Fukuyama argues the world was experiencing the end of “mankind’s ideological
evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final
form of human government.” Indeed, in the last two decades, many countries in
Southern and Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin American have held
competitive elections for the first time. These democratic experiments and
institutions, however, have faced growing political instability and legislative
inertia over recent years. The global economic recession has further compounded
their challenges and have called the long-term sustainability of these
institutions into question, leaving many searching for new models and
strategies to promote political stability and sustain growth.
In the United States, for example, Americans view excessive
congressional partisanship as evidence that officials believe the public
interest is secondary to political gain. While political scientists have given
legislators the benefit of the doubt and attribute partisanship to ideological
differences, there is growing consensus that rancor in American politics is reaching historic heights, even in institutions like the
traditionally deliberative Senate. This polarization of federal politics and
the growing influence of money and the media potentially exacerbates economic
inequality and has reduced political diversity at the state level. Ultimately,
growing political brinksmanship may reduce the ability of legislatures to
represent their own constituents effectively.
The challenges facing democratic institutions, including
economic volatility, public dissent, and historical instabilities, extend
beyond these shores. Throughout Western democracies, governments are struggling
to maintain social welfare programs while enacting austerity measures to combat
ballooning deficits. The difficulty the European Union has faced in alleviating
member states’ debt crises has created doubt over the efficacy of an
institution meant to preserve European unity. Even in the world’s largest
democratic state, India, the government
has struggled to reconcile widespread public dissent over decades of
corruption. Meanwhile, India’s neighbor Pakistan, despite having
gained independence simultaneously, is still muddling through a staggered
transition to democracy marked by historical conflict.
Many observers seeking inspiration have turned to China, which has
weathered the economic recession relatively unscathed, through centralized
stimulus programs. While China’s streamlined autocratic approach might remove
some administrative bureaucracies that plague democratic institutions,
continued economic development will probably require and eventually produce
gradual democratization of its governance structure.
The prescriptions for strengthening these democratic
institutions are thematically similar. These solutions must align with
improvements in regulation and mitigate the social cost of necessary changes.
While the challenges presented in this issue demonstrate that compromise
frequently proves difficult to reach, democracy still enables a forum for
compromise between individual needs and social will. As Winston Churchill
stated, “No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has
been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other
forms that have been tried from time to time.”
Neil Patel ’13 is the Covers Editor.
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